Europe's defence off-ramp from Washington runs straight into hardware it does not yet build
EU governments want to replace American air defence, cruise missiles and stealth fighters with European equivalents. The shopping list is short and the substitutes are mostly still on the drawing board.

On 12 July 2026, Deutsche Welle published a stocktaking of European defence dependence on the United States that reads less like an editorial complaint than an audit of a long shopping list. The systems EU governments want to phase out, Patriot air defence, Tomahawk cruise missiles and Lockheed Martin's F-35, are all American, all fielded across NATO's eastern flank, and all bound up with logistics, software and munitions that don't have off-the-shelf European equivalents. The wish to build those equivalents has been formally declared many times; the substitutions, by and large, have not yet arrived.
Europe's problem is not that it has stopped trying. It is that the programmes meant to fill the gap, the Global Combat Air Programme, the Franco-Italian-British air-defence architecture, a clutch of cruise-missile efforts, move on industrial calendars measured in decades, while the strategic pressure pulling at them is measured in months. The gap between those two clocks is where the real defence debate now lives.
What the Europeans actually rely on
Patriot interceptors, built by Raytheon, sit at the centre of NATO's integrated air defence across Poland, Romania, Germany and the Baltic states. Tomahawk, a subsonic cruise missile produced solely by Raytheon, gives a handful of European navies a long-range land-attack option that no European system currently matches in service. The F-35, flown by the UK, the Netherlands, Italy, Norway, Denmark and Poland, is the stealth fighter the continent buys to penetrate contested airspace.
Taken together, those three classes account for the bulk of what is publicly acknowledged about Europe's continued reliance on US-built kit. The DW report frames the substitution question around each of them, and around questions of how to industrialise at scale, how to secure supply chains for semiconductors and propellants, and how to align the procurement calendars of twenty-seven member states with the operational tempo of a continent at war on its eastern edge.
The European substitutes, and where they actually stand
The Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP), a UK-Japan-Italy partnership meant to deliver a sixth-generation fighter by the late 2030s, is the flagship of the air side. The Future Combat Air System (FCAS), led by France, Germany and Spain, sits beside it. Neither is in serial production. The Franco-Italian SAMP/T family, Eurosam's land-based air and missile defence system, paired with Aster interceptor missiles, is the only European surface-based solution fielded at scale and is now being procured by additional capitals, including Ukraine, but it is a medium-range system; it does not yet rival Patriot's high-altitude, long-range engagement envelope.
On cruise missiles, several consortia are at work: MBDA's Long-Range Cruise Missile programme, Franco-British and nominally aimed at 2028, and national efforts in Poland and Germany. None has reached the operational standard or stockpiled quantity of the Tomahawk. Industrial scale, not paper design, is the binding constraint. A Tomahawk line in the United States churns out hundreds of missiles a year; producing comparable volumes inside Europe requires a missile and solid-rocket-motor supply chain that has been allowed to hollow out for two decades and is now being rebuilt in real time.
Why the off-ramp is hard to find
Three structural problems keep European defence planners inside the American orbit. First, logistics: Patriot, Tomahawk and the F-35 share a software stack and a maintenance ecosystem with US forces. Switching off them means retraining crews, rewriting national air-defence tactics, and accepting a multi-year capability dip during the transition. Second, money: producing missiles and airframes in the volumes required costs money the European defence budget, even after successive increases, has not consistently allocated. Third, interoperability: NATO doctrine is written around US platforms, and any European substitute has to be cleared into integrated battle networks that the United States still operates.
DW's account is honest about the politics. Polities on the continent have spent two decades buying American rather than building European, partly because the comparative cost was lower and partly because the political risk of second-source disruption was higher. The bill for that calculation now lands at the same moment as the demand to reverse it, on a continent watching a war on its eastern border.
What the trajectory actually looks like
The most plausible next decade is a partial substitution, not a clean break. SAMP/T will spread further and likely grow in range as the Aster family expands. GCAP and FCAS will deliver demonstrators before they deliver service aircraft, and the timing puts initial capability out past the horizon of current crisis planning. Cruise-missile production will scale, but not fast enough to replace a Tomahawk-class inventory in any single national arsenal. Meanwhile, F-35s already on the ramp in Warsaw, Eindhoven and Aalborg will remain in service for thirty years and the political cost of divesting them is, in practice, prohibitive.
What changes is the second-source architecture. EU capitals now treat the American systems as a starting inventory, not a permanent dependency. That is a real shift, even where the hardware on the flight line stays American. The honest read is that Europe's defence off-ramp from Washington is not blocked by lack of will. It is blocked by what industry can deliver, at what cost, on what timetable, and that is a slower thing to change than the rhetoric around it suggests.
Desk note: the DW piece is a survey of obstacles rather than a single news event; Monexus has framed the gap between declared intent and serial production as the actual story, rather than restating the catalogue of programmes.